Redmond O'Hanlon - outlaw or folk hero.
Many have examples of outlaw folk heroes who have captured the imagination and whose memory lives on in the collective conscience. The lives of 19th century American outlaws Jesse James and Billy the Kid have been portrayed in countless ‘westerns’ and many films have also been made about the exploits of England’s famous folk hero Robin Hood. In recent times iconic figures like Scotland ’s Rob Roy MacGregor and Ned Kelly of Australia have hit the big screen. Unknown to many, Ireland has its equivalent of these ‘anti-heroes’. He comes in the form of one Redmond O’Hanlon the most famous of Ireland’s many tories, as outlaws and ‘highwaymen’ were branded during his own time in Ireland.
Redmond O’Hanlon’s home area was the kingdom of Orier in modern day County Armagh . This was the main stage of his ‘reign of terror’, stretching into Counties Down, Monaghan and Tyrone. There is some evidence for his activities as far away as Connaught and even stories of heroic exploits in Munster although these seem unlikely to have basis in fact. The time frame for Redmond O’Hanlon’s ‘life of crime’ is the aftermath of the plantation of Ulster and later the ‘Cromwellian Confiscation’, a period of great political and social upheaval in Ireland . He first came to the attention of the authorities in 1674 and met his unceremonious demise almost eight years later. During this time the growth of his fame and notoriety was matched by the desperation of the authorities to apprehend him. Many songs and stories have survived in folk memory about the deeds of Redmond O’Hanlon. These have been added to over the centuries, making it very difficult to separate fact from fiction. Because of Redmond ’s pre-eminence among Irish outlaws it is probable that he has been credited with the deeds of other less well-known persons (1). Later writers have also further romanticised this figure, and he is portrayed in folk memory as a type of ‘Robin Hood’ who robbed only from the rich and who had the admiration and support of the common people. This paper will seek to map his career using the contemporary written records. Unfortunately what can be gleaned from historical sources about Redmond O’Hanlon is limited. What does survive comes mainly in the form of letters mostly written by members of the governing classes, they who were trying to catch him. These sources have little interest in the outlaw’s motives, which are now difficult to ascertain definitively. However the link between the phenomenon of toryism and land plantation in Ireland has generally been accepted (2) and it is believed that O’Hanlon’s activities were an ongoing response to the injustice of land confiscation from his own and other native families in the area. The extent to which Redmond O’Hanlon sought retribution for this situation cannot now be determined but those who have recounted stories and songs in the centuries since, certainly felt it was high on his agenda. To better understand all this, a look at O’Hanlon history and the developing situation in Ireland , particularly Ulster , is required.
1. Marshall James. “ Redmond O’Hanlon – Commonly called Count O’Hanlon” chapters 7-12 in Irish Tories, Rapparees and Robbers (1927) p28.
2. Canning Joseph. “The O’Hanlon’s of Orier 1558-1691 Part 2” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 19 (2002) p124.
The rise and fall of the O’Hanlon dynasty. (3)
Prior to the plantation the O’Hanlon’s were among the most important Gaelic clans in Ulster . From the 12th century until the early 17th century the chief of the O’Hanlon clan ‘The O’Hanlon’ was Lord of Orier. Such descriptions are numerous in the Irish Annals and are even to be found in royal sources. Orier was then much bigger than the barony that exists in County Armagh today and covered much of eastern county Armagh stretching into north Louth (where the surname is also common to this day). By the mid 16th Century the O’Hanlons, along with the McMahons were described by the chieftain of the most powerful Ulster clan, Hugh O’Neill, as his “two best helps”, meaning most important allies. This is indicative of the privileged position the O’Hanlons occupied among the Gaelic aristocracy in Ulster . However in a period of about 90 years (1560-1650) the prestige and status of the O’Hanlons along with other native families was greatly reduced. Through stages of confiscation and plantation the ancestral lands of the O’Hanlons were lost to incoming English and Scottish settlers or ‘planters’. The pretext for these land confiscations was various acts of rebellion against the English crown. In 1566 the O’Hanlons sided with the O’Neills in an insurrection against the crown during which ‘The O’Hanlon’ of the moment lost his life. Revenge for the ‘disloyalty’ was exacted in 1569 when a Thomas Chatterton was granted much of the O’Hanlon estates in Orier in a royal charter. A few years later he was given a commission to “invade, subdue, expel or bring to mercy, the natives of Orier”. However it seems that Chatterton was unable to make a success of his new acquisition and by 1587 Sir Eochaidh O’Hanlon, now O’Hanlon chieftain had regained some of the lost land. This he achieved by submitting to the crown in a process of ‘surrender and re-grant’. This meant that he admitted that he and his heirs only held their lands and title as subjects of the monarch and on condition of service and loyalty much as an Earl or Duke in England would have. The ancient title ‘The O’Hanlon of Orier’ was abolished to underline the new arrangement.
In 1594 hostilities between Hugh O’Neill (styled Earl of Tyrone by the English) and the English crown broke out. O’Neill was supported by many of the leading Gaelic clans. Fighting continued for almost a decade and is known as the Nine Years War (1594-1603). During this period Sir Eochaidh O’Hanlon alternatively sided with the crown or with Hugh O’Neill in rebellion, as best suited O’Hanlon interests. (Many other clans adapted a similar policy and the O’Neills had previously submitted to the crown when expedient). As shall be explored later there were other branches of the O’Hanlon sept some members of which were continuously loyal to his majesty, rendering staunch support against the ‘rebels’. The ongoing ‘troubles’ and harsh ‘scorched earth tactics’ of Sir Henry Bagenal government commander, meant harsh economic conditions in Ulster, which was the main arena of conflict. In 1604 Sir Eochaidh was in financial difficulty and was forced to sell several townlands near Newry and a smaller patch near Carlingford. He seems to have secured pardon by 1606 for any dalliances on the side of O’Neill during the war. This support at one stage included the construction of fortifications called ‘Tyrones Ditches’ near Poyntzpass, but the O’Hanlons were not present at the decisive battle of Kinsale in 1601 in which O’Neill and his allies suffered a disastrous defeat. Yet despite his wavering allegiance after the Nine Years War Sir Eochaidh seemed set to once again be ‘regranted’ his lands and title.
However In 1608 the son of Sir Eochaidh, Eochaidh Og, joined with his brother-in-law Cahir O’Doherty the Gaelic chieftain of Inishowen in an uprising. This act of defiance was to have disastrous consequences for the O’Hanlons. During the insurrection Eochaidh Og and his men took to the mountains and woods of Armagh and resorted to guerrilla skirmishes against the army and new settlers, robbing, burning and spoiling. The rebellion was short lived. After just over three months Eochaidh Og surrendered and was deported to Sweden . He was stripped of his right to succeed his father as Lord of Orier. Sir Eochaidh senior was therefore the last O’Hanlon Lord of Orier. By 1610 Sir Eochaidh senior was in a very vulnerable position and was forced to accept a pension for the remainder of his lands and to leave the O’Hanlon dynastic seat of power at Tandragee castle. Plantation grantee Oliver St. John moved into the manor and tradition has it that the castle, which had fallen into a state of ill-repair, was renovated by the St. John family within the next decade. The town that exists today began to spring up around the castle.
In the aftermath of the Nine Years War and the subsequent ‘flight of the Earls’ (1607) many of the native Irish of military rank fled with their leaders to join continental armies. Some ‘idle swordmen’ however remained on in Ireland to form bands of robbers (referred to derogatorily as wood-kerne until mid 1600s and tories thereafter). Their modus operandi was to harass the government and settler population and their ranks were complimented by dispossessed landowners who preferred to eek out a living through crime rather than by working as manual labourers on the lands they once owned. Many neglected to seek to acquire land during the plantation (some native Irish did obtain land grants) believing the return of Hugh O’Neill was imminent and that he would tear the whole plantation project asunder (4). Such hopes proved to be in vain. Lawlessness seemed justified and so this disillusioned class proceeded without moral stigma. In this climate a kind of smothered rebellion was ongoing until resentment again boiled over into the Rebellion of 1641 again lead in the north by the O’Neills (5). Fighting flared up throughout Ireland at different points during the next decade and is referred to as the ‘Confederate War’.
By 1641 it cannot be determined whom if anyone had assumed the leadership of the O’Hanlons, who by this point had been submerged into the silent majority of the native tenantry (6). The O’Hanlons acting under the leadership of Pheilm O’Neill recaptured Tandragee briefly during 1641. There is mention of an Ardall O’Hanlon getting injured in 1643 fighting with Owen Roe O’Neill at the battle of Clones but O’Hanlon involvement in the famous Irish victory at the battle of Benburb in 1646 cannot be determined either way. The native Irish felt the disastrous consequences of their quashed rebellion and violent backlash against the Protestant settlers, during the 1650s. During what is now termed the ‘Cromwellian Confiscation’ the last remaining O’Hanlon landowners along with most of the native Irish were dispossessed in ongoing retribution for the ‘outrages’ of 1641. The native landowners held some hope of having their lands returned after the ‘restoration of the monarchy’ and the death of Oliver Cromwell, but these hopes, were dashed for Hugh O’Hanlon. His appeal for the return of his lands in the Act of Settlement (1662) came to nought. Thus the demise of the O’Hanlon dynasty, which had ruled these parts for a thousand years, was complete.
Military defeat in the ‘Confederate War’ saw the ranks of wood-kernes or tories replenished. This is echoed in the history of the American ‘Wild West’, that classic theatre for outlaw activity, as renegade soldiers and army veterans of the American Civil War ventured west as desperadoes and outlaw gangs. So the defeated and dispossessed thus took to the woods and hills to indulge in illegal activities and the scourge of the new settlers and government was rejuvenated.
3. The section “The rise and fall of the O’Hanlon dynasty” draws heavily from the articles by Joseph Canning outlined above and below this footnote
4. Canning Joseph. “The O’Hanlon’s of Orier 1558-1691 Part 1” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 18 (2001) p74.
5. Moody TW. Redmond O’Hanlon c1640-1681 (1937) p18.
6. Canning Part 2 p121.
The early life of Redmond O’Hanlon.
By the 1670s we see the most notable O’Hanlon of his time not playing the role of a Gaelic chieftain but leading the life of a bandit (7) in the glens, mountains and highways in the general south east Ulster area, and in particular County Armagh. It is not possible to trace the direct ancestry of Redmond O’Hanlon but it has been commonly held that he was descended from the line of the O’Hanlon Lords of Orier perhaps directly from one of the many sons of Sir Eochaidh O’Hanlon the last Lord of Orier. If this was the case he is likely to have viewed himself as having claim to the territory of Orier and embarked on a criminal career to seek redress for the wrongs done to his ancestors (8), as Fleming suggests. These wrongs possibly he blamed for robbing him of his birthright, resulting in his own current lowly position in society. This is indeed highly plausible but we cannot be completely certain.
As mentioned previously it would appear that there were several branches of the O’Hanlon sept at this period. Government documents indicate the loyal service of some of the O’Hanlons. A Pheilm O’Hanlon acted as right hand man to Sir Henry Bagenal, during the Nine Years War and his sons who became Bagenal’s scouts received lands in the subsequent plantation (9). This does not sit well with the notion of a general ‘O’Hanlon’ resentment of and hostility towards the crown. The fact that Redmond himself worked as a government poll collector for a time before he took to ‘highway robbery’ also weakens any claim to an inherited disposition to anti-establishment sentiment and rebelliousness (10). Having said all that, the notion that the outlaw was of noble Gaelic lineage seems to have been current during his own lifetime and the use of the apparels ‘Count’ and ‘Captain’ supports this. Redmond evidently had associates and allies among the newly landed gentry. Coming from noble stock himself would have made it much easier for him to make these acquaintances than if he came from the lower echelons of the peasantry. The education he received in England and France and ability to speak both languages as well as Gaelic, if one source (a biography of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1677-85, Duke of Ormond) is to be believed, would also have enhanced his ability to build such relationships. Only a well off family could have afforded this education. The evidence, which we do have from the sources, makes no account of his heritage but then there would have been little concern for any of this from the Protestant landed gentry (11) who largely have left us with the contemporary written sources. One such individual named Francis Brewster who had regularly derided Redmond in the press did go on to admit after his death that he “was a scholar and a man of parts” and compared him to Scanderbeg, apparently a highly reputed leader of Albanian freedom fighters against the Turks in the 15th century. Such an opinion coming from this unlikely source would appear to support the idea that Redmond descended from noble Gaelic blood and that therefore his actions were more than simply a penchant for crime. To some his descent was irrelevant and to others it lends legitimacy to his actions. We will never really know the connection for certain. Regardless of his noble decent or otherwise, Redmond O’Hanlon was now part of an embittered tenantry as the vast majority of natives had by now been rendered landless. It is accepted that the natural outcome of this was outlawry.
7. Fleming Sam. Redmond O’Hanlon pamphlet (unknown date) p5.
8. Ibid p8.
9. Canning Part 1 p66-69.
10. Canning Part 2 p125.
11. Moody. Redmond O’Hanlon p24.
Sources for Redmond O’Hanlon.
The contemporary written evidence, which we do have for Redmond O’Hanlon comes in five forms. The first is a few official state publications in which Redmond among others is proclaimed an outlaw and a reward is offered for his capture. Secondly a number of letters are now held in a collection called the ‘Calendar of Ormond Manuscripts’* (Ormond was the Lord Lieutenant or Viceroy of Ireland , 1677-85). The third source is a pamphlet produced anonymously a year after Redmond ’s death in 1681 entitled, “The Life and Death of the Incomparable and Indefatigable Tory, Redmond O’Hanlon – commonly called Count O’Hanlon”. Someone, claiming to be a residence of “this wild and barren land” was the author. Some information on Redmond ’s activities can be obtained from a pamphlet produced by Fr Edmund Murphy parish priest of Killeavy as part of evidence against Oliver Plunkett, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Armagh , who was executed in 1681. Another small pamphlet called “Count Hanlyns downfall” produced by his assassin also tells the story of Redmond ’s death and is supported by other evidence in the ‘Ormond letters’.
The pamphlet ‘The Life and Death’ is the only contemporary account of the early life of Redmond before his first appearance in official history in 1674. According to the pamphlet Redmond O’Hanlon was born in the townland of Aughantaraghan near Poyntzpass in 1640. Another oral tradition sites his birthplace at Slieve Gullion. There may be confusion with another outlaw Turlough O’Hanlon from nearby Annacloughmullion and the fact that the Slieve Gullion area was to become Redmond ’s main hideout and base of activity. There seems little need to dispute the pamphlet, which is also supported by a local tradition. There also seems little need to dispute the date of birth given. This appears more plausible than an oral tradition, which dates his birth to 1620 and places Redmond fighting on the side of Owen Roe O’Neill at the victorious battle of Benburb (1646). Redmond was it is clear, in the ‘prime of his manhood’ at the time of his death in 1681 and an age of 41 rather than 61 would fit this better. The narrative goes on to tell that Redmond was educated at an English School , was sacked from employment by George Acheson of Markethill for trying to sell a stolen horse on which he had fixed a false tail. (The account here contrasts to Brewster’s comments by demonstrating that Redmond had criminal inclinations from an early age). He was then employed as a government collector of poll money for a short time before becoming clerk of an independent congregation. It goes on to tell how he accrued financial debts (later sources have speculated through gambling) and how he absconded after the death of his wife to become a tory. His kinsman Loughlin O’Hanlon we are told in ‘The Life and Death’ persuaded Redmond to become a professional highwayman. Official records show that Loughlin O’Hanlon was sentenced to death in 1669 at Dundalk assizes for horse theft but was pardoned as he was young and promised to reform. Loughlin’s promise ‘to become a new man’ was obviously reneged upon as the two literally became partners in crime. (Some sources claim the two were brothers but other evidence appears to refute this). The pamphlet goes on to narrate how Redmond ’s activities saw him admitted to Armagh jail whereupon he escaped by trickery and subsequently adopted the Slieve Gullion area as his base. There is no other evidence to support the facts of the pamphlet prior to the period of 1674-1681 when Redmond comes to the attention of the Dublin administration and his name appears in state documents and private letters.
Redmond O’Hanlon goes on the run.
The first such appearance in state records comes in Dec 1674 when along with several others including the aforementioned Loughlin O’Hanlon of Killeavy and a Turlough O’Hanlon of Annacloughmullion, Redmond is proclaimed an outlaw. In this proclamation those mentioned are given until February of the following year to have surrendered. A reward of £10 is offered for the capture of the named individuals. Obviously Redmond neglected to surrender, nor was he captured as in 1676 Redmond is again ‘proclaimed’. It is obvious that the proclamation of 1674 had done little to thwart the gang’s criminal activities. These must have increased further in the interim as this time the reward is increased to £20 dead or alive! This was the second appearance in state documents. Throughout this period the notoriety of Redmond O’Hanlon and his gang grew rapidly. His activities in highway robbery and his ability to evade capture from the authorities earning him his reputation. He also levied protection money from merchants and farmers granting them ‘a pass’ from robberies by his gang and his protection against other robbers. Perhaps he felt that he was ‘The O’Hanlon of Orier’ and as such was entitled to collect tribute in the area as his forefathers had done for centuries. One story in Fr Murphy’s pamphlet the long title of which begins, “The present state and condition of Ireland ” gives an insight into the situation although the narrative is complicated. Fr Murphy recounts how a rival outlaw called Cormac Raver O’Murphy served his apprenticeship as a tory under Redmond , branched out on his own and ignored a pass given to three Scots settlers by Redmond . O’Murphy had to restore the stolen property to the men but when he continued to defy Redmond ’s pardons he was assassinated. The narrative also tells how Father Murphy himself had vilified Redmond and his band in his sermons and how Redmond issued a decree that none of the faithful should attend Fr Murphy’s services or they would pay with their life on the third occasion. It would seem that one such unfortunate did indeed pay the ultimate price. The ruthless nature of Redmond comes out in the pamphlet. It should be pointed out that from other sources it would seem that Fr Murphy despite his ‘holy orders’ was to all intents and purposes himself a tory (state papers inform us that he ended up in Armagh jail for being in league with the tories) and was a rival and enemy of Redmond O’Hanlon. The accuracy of the piece is thus highly suspect.
All this is indicative of the fact that there were many different bands of tories operating in the area and many of which were not members of Redmond ’s gang. From the sources it is difficult to determine whether when individuals and proclamations mention ‘the tories’ if they are referring directly to Redmond ’s gang or to the criminal fraternity in the area in general. For example in the sources at first glance it would seem that Loughlin O’Hanlon was a member of Redmond’s gang but some historians assert that he had his own outfit. Because of the nature of the tory profession it is probable that this confusion existed at the time especially among the ruling class who would not have been privy to the intimate intricacies of the ‘underworld’. Regardless, the exploits of Redmond were such that by October 1678 in a letter to Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , Ormond, he is described as being “pre-eminent among all the tories in Ulster ”. To use another modern parlance it would appear that Redmond had established himself as something akin to a ‘mafia godfather’ with less powerful figures and groupings within his sphere of influence only able to operate with his sanction.
By March 1679 the authorities deemed the situation to be so bad as to warrant draconian measures. A proclamation was issued to the effect that the immediate families of the outlaws would be imprisoned unless they were captured or killed. Some historians have pointed to the appearance of a number of O’Hanlons in records in Letterkenny, Co. Donegal around this time as being Redmond ’s family fleeing the forthcoming retribution (12). Previously the government had issued a threat that four native men of the area would be deported to the American colonies, if the tories weren’t handed over. This was another attempt to drive a wedge between Redmond and his supporters. However these threats yielded nothing and from a series of letters (contained in the Calendar of Ormond Manuscripts) from a George Rawdon commander of the Lisburn garrison to a Viscount Conway we learn that by May 1679 the landlords of Armagh, Down and Monaghan had formed a syndicate to pay mercenaries 9 pence per day for three months to hunt down the O’Hanlon gang. During this manhunt Redmond was wounded but managed to escape to Rams Island in Lough Neagh were he hid out until fully recuperated. Also around September 1679 Glen Woods, south of Poyntzpass, a reputed hideout for O’Hanlon, was cut down. All this is supported by Rawdon’s correspondences and can be found in other letters in the Ormond collection.
12. Fleming Redmond O’Hanlon p21.
The noose tightens.
A rubicon was crossed in September of 1679, when in the absence of Redmond , tories gunned down Henry St. John at Knockbridge near Magheralin. Despite the fact that Redmond wasn’t present and that it may not even have been Redmond ’s own men who were responsible, he was apportioned the blame. The victim, a wealthy landlord was a descendent of the St. John’s who had taken over Tandragee castle, former O’Hanlon headquarters, in the early part of the century. St. John was a defiant and aggressive tory-hunter who would have no truck with bargaining with them for the return of property. His own son had previously died of a fever incurred whilst tracking the outlaws and in St. John the bandits found an arch nemesis. St. John also was outspoken in his condemnation of an element within the aristocracy who seemed to have some association with and sympathy for the outlaws. Perhaps his killers also felt they were striking a blow on behalf of the dispossessed O’Hanlons, of whom Redmond was their illustrious captain. Whatever the reasons, the authorities were outraged by the murder and this incident more than any beforehand earned Redmond O’Hanlon notoriety. Reverend Power of Tandragee lambasted the tories and those who harboured them, in his sermon at the funeral of Henry St. John. He pointed out that Redmond was able to extort more in ‘black rent’ (i.e protection money) than the king could raise in taxes in the three or four counties in which we are told he operated “a kind of separate sovereignty”. We also learn that he “abhorred the thought that some English people and Protestants could harbour such pernicious vipers”. The hunt for Redmond O’Hanlon and the other fugitives really began in earnest after the murder of Henry St. John but they seemed to still have been in the ascendancy for a while longer. An anonymous letter dated Dec 1679, three months later, describes how “no one can stir abroad (except he be in league with them) but in danger to be taken or killed” and the individual claims “I durst not go a mile from the house without a guard”. By early 1680 Redmond ’s infamy had even spread as far as the London press where the correspondent Francis Brewster proclaims that “there can be no doubt that in Ireland Redmond O’Hanlon has earned unequal notoriety as a highwayman”.
In Jan 1680 the Viceroy of Ireland, Ormond, took notice of the situation and the reward for the head of Redmond was upped to £100 with £50 for Loughlin. The Viceroy along with the rest of the administration had previously been preoccupied with the imagined threat of a ‘popish plot’ to support a French Invasion of Ireland. However such fears seem to have subsided around this time giving the government leeway to focus more vigorously on the tory problem rather than to leave it to local authorities. Garrisons in counties Armagh and Down were reinforced and a volunteer force was formed in three counties as a defence against the tories. Captain Charles Poyntz commander of the army in Armagh was relieved of his duties and replaced by a Trevor Lloyd. Poyntz and his father Toby who was Justice of the Peace were among those gentlemen of the county that reverend Power and others suspected of being sympathetic to the fugitives. Poyntz was aware of these accusations and in a letter dated May 1681 Charles Poyntz protests that persons had “scandalised my father and me as having too much kindness for the O’Hanlons”.
Further letters from George Rawden reveal that by June 1680 the bounty hunters met with some success when they managed to kill seven of the outlaws but again Redmond and Loughlin escaped. It is during this period that we see the gang hard pressed within their customary radius within southeast Ulster and appearing further west into County Fermanagh and pushing into Longford on the borders of Connaught . A communication from Reverend Power at Tandragee October 1680 indicates that an informer from Redmond ’s gang approached him offering to betray Redmond if the price was right. The informant also revealed a cunning plan the gang intended to carry out in the west Ulster north Connaught region. This master plan involved gang members being “all in grey coats lined with red, and they are to turn the red side out when they come to the gentleman’s house”. This supports stories preserved in oral tradition, which tell of Redmond ’s men having reversible jackets to appear like redcoat soldiers as the need arose. Another such story involves the gang relieving a party of soldiers who were forming a bodyguard for a landlord near Mullaghbane of their money and uniforms after Redmond had got them drunk and persuaded them to empty their guns by firing celebratory volleys in the air. Could the reversible jackets have been made from the stolen uniforms?
Redmond looks for a way out.
In any case by this stage Redmond was being so hard pressed by his pursuers that he began to look for a way out of his predicament. It has been established that Redmond O’Hanlon was known to have friends in high places. The loyalties of the Poyntz family were suspected but their relationship to Redmond cannot now be determined. The powerful Annesely family of Castlewellan were however definitely among his allies. Redmond thus reckoned on using the influence of these people to help him secure a pardon for his wrongdoings. A letter dated October 1861 written by Redmond himself to the Bishop of Clogher asking him to make overtures to the Government for a pardon on terms was recently found among the Ormond manuscripts (13). The Anneselys of Castlewellan were also investigating the possibility of securing a pardon for the notorious outlaw. The Bishop of Meath, Henry Jones, was the father of Mrs Annesley and was a very influential government figure at this time. He was a fervent ultra Protestant and was actively seeking to procure evidence for the so-called and indeed entirely fictitious ‘popish plot’. Jones hoped to use Redmond ’s desperation to further implicate Oliver Plunkett, Catholic Archbishop of Armagh . In a letter from Mrs Annesley to a Katherine O’Hanlon who must have been acting as an envoy for Redmond, she states that Bishop Jones will do all he can on Redmond’s behalf on condition that Redmond, “be a discoverer of the design for the French invasion here, and who in Ireland the principle abettors are”. We do not know what Redmond ’s reaction was to this condition but the scheme was overtaken by events. Redmond O’Hanlon did not however bear witness against Oliver Plunkett at his trial. Viceroy Ormond who was suspicious of Bishop Jones agenda learned of his plan and either because of this or his own moral convictions would not countenance the pardoning of the arch criminal.
Rather than appease the bandit, Ormand doubled the bounty on Redmond ’s head to £200 (with £100 for Loughlin) and designed a strategy to finally bring about his end. He asked a person living in Dublin well acquainted with the north to find a suitable person there to carry out ‘the contract’ on O’Hanlon’s life. A William Lucas of Dromantine near the Down border with county Armagh (Glen woods was probably in this vicinity) was given the secret brief in a communication dated 4th March 1681. Lucas had a strong military reputation and was known ‘never to spare the back of a peasant’. He was to use whatever means necessary to eliminate the O’Hanlon menace. Possibly he may have been aware of the overtures made by a potential turncoat in the gang to Rev Power the previous year as his strategy to terminate the outlaw involved such treachery. One Art O’Hanlon, various sources claim foster-brother of Redmond , was approached by Lucas. He was offered a £200 reward and pardon to kill Redmond and was given a month to complete the task. We do not know anything of Art O’Hanlon’s activities prior to this mission but he was either previously a trusted companion of Redmond or was successfully able to infiltrate the gang without raising any suspicion. Charles Poyntz in a letter a month after Redmond’s death claims Art O’Hanlon had been a servant of his father (and incidentally that “he had no stain upon him except that which his surname brought him”) and that he himself had commissioned Art to infiltrate Redmond’s gang with a view to betraying him, as early as December 1680. We can’t be sure of the truth of any of this and it may just be a belated attempt by Poyntz to demonstrate where his loyalties lay and to claim some credit for bringing Redmond to justice.
13. McMahon Kevin. “The O’Hanlon Letter” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 10 (1980) p39
The game is finally up.
On 25th April 1681 Art O’Hanlon seized his opportunity. He, Redmond and another outlaw William O’Shiel were waiting to ambush merchants and farmers who were returning from a market. The trio were camped at Eight Mile Bridge near Hilltown, Co. Down waiting to carry out this robbery. As Redmond lay asleep and Art took watch, the latter raised his blunderbuss and emptied it into Redmond ’s chest, killing him. The details are contained in Art’s pamphlet, “Count Hanlyn’s downfall”, published some time after the event. After eight years of evading capture, Redmond laid dead at the hands of one off his own. Succumbing to the enemy within is a common fate of many other slippery outlaws throughout history.
After the slaying Art O’Hanlon fled the scene to collect his £200 in ‘blood money’ and William Lucas was rewarded with an important command in the army. Tradition has it that William O’Shiel on finding Redmond dead, cut off his head to avoid the authorities getting their hands on it. Whatever the truth about this the head before long ended up on a spike in Downpatrick jail as a warning to all other outlaws and lawbreakers. Tradition also has it that the headless corpse of Redmond O’Hanlon was subsequently buried at the ancient Catholic graveyard of Relicarn adjacent to the Protestant burial ground of Ballynabeck on the road between Scarva and Tandragee. A conflicting story has the body taken to Letterkenny to where his family had fled after the proclamation that the ‘crimes of the tories would be visited on their relatives’.
The killing of Redmond O’Hanlon was described by Francis Brewster as “the most seasonable bit of service rendered in the kingdom for many a year” and the relief of the government was palpable. In the eyes of the authorities the ‘scourge’ of Armagh and surrounding counties had been terminated. After the death of their audacious leader the outlaw gang collapsed but for some months the county Armagh district was in turmoil. A letter from Captain Thomas Whitby tells of the death of “a fifteen or sixteen year old boy who was killed near Newry and had his head sent for a tories to Armagh ”. He goes on to tell that a thirteen year old boy had recently sought his protection since Art O’Hanlon was seeking to cut off his head to claim the reward for another tory ‘scalp’. Apparently there were many “great wrongs done in these parts” at this juncture as unscrupulous bounty hunters sought to claim reward for taking innocent lives.
Many of the tories themselves became poacher turned gamekeeper in return for the pardoning of their previous misdeeds. William O’Sheil set himself against his former comrades and brought in the head of a Shane O’Hagan among others. An Edmund O’Hanlon was offered pardon if he ‘set’ his former companions. Loughlin like Redmond must have been deemed to be beyond the pale and as he was charged with murder he was refused pardon. A John Mullan who collected £50 reward killed Loughlin in September 1681. The tories in the area, whether members of Redmond ’s inner circle or not, suffered a backlash after the death of Redmond and were pushed westwards out of County Armagh and Down into Tyrone. Some pockets of tory resistance remained on and in the following century there were more outlaw figures throughout Ireland . By this point the term rapparee, which is synonymous with tory was in usage. No individual however reached the heights of notoriety of Redmond O’Hanlon of county Armagh who as Moody asserts sustained the part for longer than was thought possible for such a wanted man (14).
14. Moody p21.
Conclusion.
This paper has sought to concentrate on the contemporary written sources to chart the career of Redmond O’Hanlon. Obviously he was an historical character but like so many such figures his life has become the subject of romantic stories and legends, which have evolved over the centuries. It is now impossible to determine in many of the anecdotes actually took place and which are complete fabrications. As has already been suggested the deeds of other less well-known persons may have been attributed to Redmond . One example of inaccuracy occurs in some of the many ballad songs composed about Redmond O’Hanlon. Such ballads have been written even up until the present by artists like Tommy Makem, illustrating how the figure survives in folk memory. Many of these depict Redmond ’s archenemies as the feared 18th century law enforcers the Johnston ’s of the Fews. This is inaccurate since the Johnston family didn’t settle in Ireland until the year 1700 and Redmond was killed in 1681. This shows how history can become confused in the interim. Some writers such has as William Carleton used Redmond ’s career as the basis for a novel. These are of little historical value; yet contribute to the growth of the myth. It is also the case that the famous writer Sir Walter Scott contemplated writing a novel based on Redmond O’Hanlon and actively sought information at one stage. Perhaps had he completed a publication, a Hollywood blockbuster like Braveheart, based on Scott’s portrayal of Scottish hero William Wallace, may even have even been produced? Once again the scriptwriters and film producers would have contributed to the growth of the legend, as historical accuracy took a back seat. In the saga Redmond is portrayed as a benefactor of the poor who was loved and admired by the people. Because of the lack of written sources this is something that cannot accurately be determined either way. It is possible that this admiration only evolved later as the past is enhanced to meet current needs and make better entertainment value. Having said all that, it is obvious from the sources that Redmond ’s last eight years on earth were action packed and fascinating, to say the least. It is easy to see why the legend grew and why Redmond O’Hanlon is comparable to any of the great outlaws and folk heroes of world history.
Bibliography
1. Canning Joseph. “The O’Hanlon’s of Orier 1558-1691 Part 1” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 18 (2001) p56-80.
2. Canning Joseph. “The O’Hanlon’s of Orier 1558-1691 Part 2” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 19 (2002) p111-131
3. Dunford Stephen. “Count Redmond O’Hanlon – The Irish Scanderbeg” chapter in The Irish Highwaymen (2000) p35-53
4. Fleming Sam. Redmond O’Hanlon pamphlet (unknown date)
5. McMahon Kevin. “The O’Hanlon Letter” article in Seanchas Ard Macha vol 10 (1980) p37-49 *
6. Marshall James. “ Redmond O’Hanlon – Commonly called Count O’Hanlon” chapters 7-12 in Irish Tories, Rapparees and Robbers (1927) p23-39
7. Moody TW. Redmond O’Hanlon c1640-1681 (1937)
8. Patterson JGF. “Armagh Outlaws of the 17th and 18th centuries” article in Armagh Miscellanea vol 6 p97-120
9. Patterson JGF. “The O’Hanlons” article in Armagh Miscellanea vol 1 p70-90
10. Patterson JGF. “Redmond O’Hanlon and his band” collection of letters in Armagh Miscellanea vol 8 p41-478*
11. Patton Ronnie. “ Redmond O’Hanlon – Outlaw and Folk Hero” article in Banbridge and District Historical Society Journal vol 2 (1990) p48-49
*Quotations from letters contained in the “Calendar of Ormond Manuscripts” were obtained from these sources.
Acknowledgements
All source material used in this article can be found in the following repositories;
* Cardinal Tomas O’Fiaich Library and Archive, Armagh City .
* Irish and Local Studies Library, Armagh City
* Armagh County Museum , Armagh City .
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